要旨・Abstract：高田研究成果

1. Liszkowski, U., Brown, P., Callaghan, T., Takada, A., and de Vos, C. (forthcoming). A prelinguistic gestural universal of human communication. Cognitive Science.

Many accounts of human communication and language suppose the universal existence of cognitive processes dedicated to universal linguistic content (‘Universal Grammar’). Alternative cognitive accounts argue for language diversity and posit instead a language-independent, prelinguistic basis of human communication and language. The current study sought to provide evidence for the universality of a prelinguistic gestural basis of human communication across several different cultures. We used a standardized, semi-natural elicitation procedure in seven very different cultures around the world to test for the existence of preverbal pointing in infants and their caregivers. Results were that by 10-14 months of age infants and their caregivers pointed in all cultures in the same basic situation with similar frequencies and the same proto-typical morphology of the extended index-finger. Infants’ pointing was best predicted by age and caregiver pointing, but not by culture. Findings demonstrate the existence of a gestural, language-independent universal of human communication, which forms a culturally shared prelinguistic basis of diversified linguistic communication.

2. 高田 明 (2011). 転身の物語り: サン研究における「家族」再訪. 文化人類学, 75(4), 551-573.

本論文では、クン・サンのライフストーリー分析に基づいて、サン研究における家族・親族概念の位置づけを再考する。「伝統派」と呼ばれる初期の研究は、サ ンの１グループであるジュホアンを現代の狩猟採集民と位置づけ、彼らは家族的な結合に基づいたシンプルな形で社会秩序を維持していると主張した。これに対 して、後の「見直し派」は、ジュホアンの親族間の関係を土地の権利や交易のネットワークを支える仕組みと位置づけた。ナミビア北中部のクン・サンは、ジュ ホアンと近縁だが、近隣の農牧民オバンボ等とより直接的な交渉を行ってきた。したがって、ジュホアンとの地域比較に適している。クンのライフストーリーを たどると、以下のような移動の例が見つかる。(1)クンの母親とオバンボの父親を持ち，オバンボとして育った男性が，父親の死後はクンとして生活してい る．(2)クンの少女がオバンボのもとで里親養育を受けたが、第3子の妊娠を機にクンのキャンプに戻った。(3)クンの男性が白人の農場でオバンボと働い ていたが、契約終了後はクンのキャンプに戻った。(4)クンの男性が南アからの解放運動に加わり、オバンボらと国外で活動していた。独立後はクンのキャン プに住んでいる。これらの人々は、クンのコミュニティの外では他者からの眼差しと呼応しながら自己の新たな側面をつくりだしていたが、その後、家族・親族 のつながりを頼ってクンのキャンプに帰還した。クンが多様な「他者」と複雑な関係を結ぶ中で、家族・親族のつながりという論理はクンのエスニック・グルー プの境界を再確認するための資源となっている。したがってクンが住む地域社会を理解するためには、伝統派とも見直し派とも異なり、「他者」との関係を包含 する理論枠組みから家族・親族をとらえる必要がある。

2. Takada, A. (2011). Narratives of changes in life: Revisiting the “family” in San studies. Japanese Journal of Cultural Anthropology, 75(4), 551-573. (in Japanese)

This paper re-examines the concept of family/kinship in San studies through analysis of life-stories among the !Xun San living in north-central Namibia. Early researchers, who are now called traditionalists, considered the San to be contemporary hunter-gatherers who provided a key to the reconstruction of primitive forms of human society. They asserted that the Ju|’hoan, the most famous group of San, maintained social order through simple social organizations based on family ties. In the late 1980s, however, San studies reached a significant turning point. A group of researchers, often called revisionists, argued that the San were merely groups of people who had been transformed into an underclass within a larger politico-economic system that included neighboring Bantu agropastoral communities. They considered that membership in a Ju|’hoan kinship group formed the basis of entitlement to land and provided exchange networks for beadwork and other symbolically valued materials. In light of those research trends, study of the !Xun, a group of San living in north-central Namibia, provides a valuable perspective on San studies. Combining all of the following elements, comparison of the !Xun with the Ju|’hoan provides an unparalleled opportunity for intensive regional comparison [BARNARD 1992]. (1) The !Xun language is closely related both genetically and typologically to the Ju|’hoan language. (2) Although several cognate kinship terms are recognized between the !Xun and Ju|’hoan, their kinship and naming systems are also characterized by the following considerable differences: (a) rather than the well-known homonymous method [MARSHAL 1976], the normal generational method predominates in the use of !Xun kinship terms; (b) the !Xun have a surname system that is passed on by cross-descent, whereas the Ju|’hoan have no such system; and (c) most !Xun individuals hold multiple names, such as the !Xun name, surname, teknonym, nurse name, Hai||om (a San group) name, Owambo name, and Christian name. (3) The Ju|’hoan adopted a nomadic foraging lifestyle in their semi-arid environment, whereas the !Xun have learned a sedentary lifestyle in which members cultivate crops and work for the neighboring Owambo agropastoralists. (4) The Ju|’hoan have remained relatively distant from other peoples until recently, while the !Xun have had multidimensional contacts with powerful authorities, such as the Owambo, colonial governments, and missionaries, for centuries. The following examples of life-stories enable us to examine the interplay between their ethnicity and familial/kin relationships with special reference to the applications of the surname system of !Xun (||’honi), the clan system of Owambo (epata), and the surname system of Hai||om (n!hao). (1) A male born of an Owambo father and a !Xun mother was raised as an Owambo. After his father passed away, however, he moved into a !Xun camp with his mother and siblings and lived as a !Xun, depending on Owambo people. (2) A male with Hai||om parents worked for the Owambo chief with his !Xun colleague for many years and then married a !Xun female. He then moved to a village founded by missionaries, where he was later chosen as the headman of the village’s !Xun camp. (3) A !Xun girl born in a !Xun camp was fostered by an Owambo family for more than 10 years. She gave birth to two children, the first with an Owambo classmate and the second with an Owambo ex-soldier. When she was pregnant with her third child, by the Owambo ex-soldier, she went back to the !Xun camp and decided to settle there. The analysis of these examples elucidates relationships among the ethnic groups living in the area, societal functions of familial/kin ties, and the features of ethnic identity. (1) Under apartheid regimes, colonial governments tried to facilitate segregation by ethnic group. Contrary to that political intention, the !Xun in north-central Namibia developed cooperative relationships with neighboring peoples, such as the Owambo and Hai||om, and have been involved in a global politico-economic system. These cooperative relationships have been institutionalized in various regional cultural conventions. As a result, the !Xun ethnic boundary has been maintained despite drastic social changes. (2) The familial/kin relationships examined in this article provided a pathway across the boundaries of several ethnic groups and formed the foundation for constructions of lifeworlds in new settings. (3) Ethnicity is understood as a bundle of conventions from which people choose in particular interactive settings, according to the available resources and the relational histories among participants. The sustainability and continuity of the interactional environment nurture the consistency of interaction patterns, and help constitute ethnic identity. To understand regional !Xun society, it is necessary to study their familial/kin relationships within a new theoretical framework. In contrast to traditionalist and revisionist analyses, this framework must treat !Xun relationships with others as an intrinsic component of efforts to explain the kinship system. International society has recently recognized the San as an indigenous people in southern Africa, and the San people have enjoyed increased political influence both within and outside their living area. In this context, it is now particularly important to reconstruct the historical relationships between the San and others, and to elucidate the process of identity formation among the San people through careful examination of various research materials. Hence, a reconsideration of the “family” in San studies leads us to reformulate our understanding of the social system in which the San play an important role.

3.Takada, A. (2010). Changes in Developmental Trends of Caregiver-Child Interactions among the San: Evidence from the !Xun of Northern Namibia. African Study Monographs, Supplementary Issue, 40, 155-177.

The San have been the subject of extensive research with respect to their foraging lifestyle that is assumed to date back to antiquity. I conducted field research among the !Xun San, who have had close associations with the neighboring agro-pastoralists, in order to deepen understanding in this area. As anticipated by previous studies on the influence of sedentarization, !Xun children were increasingly engaged in the care of their younger siblings or cousins. These studies also predicted early weaning from breastfeeding. Indeed, the transition from breastfeeding to solid baby food occurred primarily during the second year after birth, regardless of the mother’s next pregnancy, among the present-day !Xun. However, several findings did not meet the expectations raised by previous studies. Despite the difference in subsistence patterns, the trend toward parity among sedentary !Xun women was quite similar to that of nomadic Ju|’hoan women. The developmental transition involving touching and holding by the mother was similar among the Ju|’hoan and the !Xun. Gymnastic behavior preceding unaided walking of children persisted, even among the sedentary !Xun, mediated by differences in folk knowledge regarding such gymnastic behavior. Based on this evidence, I reconsidered the relationships among ecology and subsistence patterns, parental ideology, and patterns of caregiver-child interactions.

4.高田 明 (2009). 赤ちゃんのエスノグラフィ：乳児及び乳児ケアに関する民族誌的研究の新機軸. 心理学評論, 52(1), 140-151.

本論文の目的は，文化とは何かを再考するために，近年の「赤ちゃんのエスノグラフィ」を「人類進化における意義」「権利と承認の政治学」「コンテクストの 空間時間的脱構築」という３つの理論的関心のもとに整理・概観することである。ヒトの子育ての進化論的意義を論じる研究は，数百万年にわたるタイムスパン を視野に入れて，文化が成立する進化論的な基盤を明らかにしつつある。権利と承認の政治学の流れを組む研究は，公正な社会を希求して乳児の利益を代弁し， 時には研究者集団の枠を越えて社会に働きかけている。その大きな意義は，現代社会における「文化」概念の運用方法を改善することにある。養育者－乳児間相 互行為の研究は，養育者－乳児間の社会的リアリティを成り立たせている文化的なコンテクストを空間的・時間的に分解，分析する。民族誌的研究において文化 という概念を再興するためには，これら３つの視点を統合するような視野を協働構築していくことが望まれる。

5.Takada, A. (2008). Recapturing space: Production of inter-subjectivity among the Central Kalahari San. In A. Irving, A. Sen, & N. Rapport (Eds.), Journeys: The International Journal of Travel and Travel Writing, 9(2), Senses of spatial equilibrium and the journey: Confounded, discomposed, recomposed. New York: Berghahn Journals (pp.114-137).

The |Gui and ||Gana, two groups of San, have made extensive use of the central part of the Kalahari Desert, though they were recently resettled outside their previous living area. Since relocation, the rich ecological knowledge has not functioned well. Even in this situation, however, they still show a keen perception regarding the ground conditions, for avoiding obstacles as well as for assessing animal signs in the bushveld. This study explored how they deployed these kinds of knowledge using various resources in the environment. The results show that skills required to find a path between obstacles are closely associated with those used to perceive animal signs. Detailed analyses of their interactions clarify the process of achieving a mutual understanding that enables their accomplishments. Existence of others rather enhances the |Gui / ||Gana to formulate their knowledge explicitly. In these ways, the folk knowledge becomes known to the participants of interactions.

6.Takada, A. (2006). Explaining pathways in the Central Kalahari. In R. K. Hitchcock, K. Ikeya, M. Biesele, & R. B. Lee (Eds.), Senri Ethnological Studies, 70, Updating the San: Image and reality of an African people in the 21st century. Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology (pp.101-127).

The discussion of this paper is based on the analyses of face-to-face interactions between the author and the |Gui/||Gana during their daily activities, when their “detailed knowledge of specific trees,” and “understanding of woodlands and basins” were discussed. The objective of this analysis was to deduce the conditions under which the above knowledge can be put into practice. Two mutually related justifications exist to using this approach. First, it constitutes a key strategy of linguistic anthropology, in which everyday talk is used as the source of information to explicate the making of social reality, or in other words, an essential aspect of culture. Second, this approach can offer a basis for “adequate representation of other voices or points of view across cultural boundaries” (Marcus & Fischer, 1986: 2).

7.Takada, A. (2005). Early vocal communication and social institution: Appellation and infant verse addressing among the Central Kalahari San. Crossroads of Language, Interaction, and Culture, 6, 80-108.

Researchers have claimed that caregivers work, universally, on their children’s “zone of proximal development”. What is less emphasized, however, is that caregiver-infant interaction is always practiced in particular socio-cultural settings. This paper investigates caregiver-infant early vocal communication among the |Gui and ||Gana, who sometimes modify an infant’s name, when soothing the infant. Their practices exhibit patterns of phonation, repetition, and modification, all of which create rhythms. The caregiver thereby elicits the involvement of the infant in a dialogue. Moreover, some utterances addressing infants show similarities with =xano, which is characterized by the repetition of appellations and playful banter. This verse-like expression constitutes a transitional form, from appellation to verse. This study demonstrates that some features of |Gui/||Gana early vocal communication are incompatible with those of IDS reported to date. Furthermore, the study indicates that forms of early vocal communication are closely related to the social institutions that structure any given society.

8. 高田 明 (2002). セントラル・カラハリ・サンにおける社会変容－人口動態，生業活動，乳幼児の体重の分析から.アフリカ研究,60, 85-103.

長年研究が進められてきたグイおよびガナにおいてその社会変化と乳幼児発達との関連を分析した．1970年代からの定住化，1997年の再移住を経てグイ やガナの人口密度は大きく増加し，出産間隔はやや縮まった．狩猟採集は減退し，代わって農耕や牧畜，賃金労働や配給食料への依存度が高まった．定住化への 対応を反映して経済格差は拡大しつつある．しかもそれはエスニシティと関連している．特にカラハリと密接な関係を持つガナでは家畜の飼養数が多く，住居も 大規模で費用のかかるものになりつつある．乳幼児の体重増加率の推移はこれらを反映している．再移住は生後1年半ほどの間は総じて乳幼児の成長を抑える方 向に働いた．その後はガナでは体重増加率が高まるのに対して，それ以外では逆の傾向がみられた．この要因には出産間隔の短縮により離乳が早期化したこと， ガナとそれ以外の人々の生活様式の違いが乳幼児の栄養摂取状況に影響していることが考えられる．これらから定住後はグイ，ガナ，カラハリの関係や帰属意識 が再編成されつつあること，定住化政策は政府の思惑とは逆にエスニック・アイデンティティを強く意識せざるを得ない方向に機能してきていることが示唆される．

9.高田 明 (2002). サンにおける養育行動とその発達的意義：ジムナスティック・授乳場面の特徴. 発達心理学研究,13(1), 63-77.

サンにおけるジムナスティックと授乳は狩猟採集民の生活様式と関連づけて説明されてきた．これらが行われる日常的文脈，集団や時代による変化を検討するた め定住化や農耕牧畜民との交渉が進んでいるクンで調査を行った．先行研究から予想される仮説に反し，クンでは乳児に早くから頻繁にジムナスティックを行な う．ジムナスティックには乳児をあやしその運動発達を促進する機能がある．クンでジムナスティックが頻繁に行われるのは，それが日常場面ではしばしば｢あ やし｣として行われること，しかも人々がその機能を認識していることによると考えられる．またやはり予想される仮説に反し，クンでは頻繁で持続時間が短い 授乳が行われている．こうした授乳様式が生じる仕組みは授乳が行われる日常的場面の観察から理解できる．母親が授乳の時間や場所を定めない，授乳中に乳児 にあまり視線を向けない，ジグリングの絶対数が少ない，吸啜の休止期間にジムナスティックが行われる場合がある，ことが頻繁で持続時間が短い授乳様式の成 立に寄与している．これらは観察手法，養育行動の文化比較，その文化的な構造の分析の重要性を示唆する．

10. 小嶋秀樹・高田 明 (2001). 社会的相互行為への発達的アプローチ：社会のなかで発達するロボットの可能性. 人工知能学会誌,16(6), 812-818.

「発達は環境との相互行為（interaction）をとおして達成されていく」という考えは，そうした多様な研究の基盤を支えるパラダイムのひとつと なっている．本論文は，このような研究パラダイムから重要と考えられる先行研究をレビューをとおして，知能が社会的相互行為によって段階的に構成されるこ とを論じる．おもな主張は，生得的な動機づけをもった主体（乳児あるいはロボット）が，養育者との間で原初的な相互行為を形づくり，それをとおして物理的 環境だけでなく養育者を含めた社会的環境を探索していくというものである．第２節では，発達心理学が社会的相互行為をどのように捉えてきたのかを概観し， 第３節では，最近の「赤ちゃん研究」から社会的相互行為の成り立ちと社会的知能の構成について論じる．第４節では，社会的に発達するロボットの可能性につ いて考察し，第５節で，社会的相互行為にもとづく知能の構成モデルをまとめる．

1. 高田 明 (近刊). 行為の堆積を知覚する: グイ／ガナのカラハリ砂漠における道探索実践. 片岡邦好・池田桂子(編), コミュニケーション能力の諸相: 「共創能力」を考える. 東京: ひつじ書房.

本論文では，ブッシュでの運転，たき火を囲んでの道案内，土地の名前に関する物語り，狩猟行での移動ルートの説明といった，道探索実践に関わるグイ／ガナ の発話イベント(Hymes 1972)を分析した．こうした発話イベントはその参与者にGoffman(1964: 135)のいう社会的状況を提供する．道探索実践に関わる発話イベントは，予めプランや結果が定められているものではなく，その場の状況と応答しながら 徐々に展開されていく．発話イベントの展開過程では，参与者間の相互行為によって，歴史・文化的に蓄積されてきた意味が共有される．相互行為において共有 される意味は，様々な記号論的資源を源泉としている．ただし記号論的資源によって自動的に行為の意味が定まるわけではない．行為者の主体性が意味を生成す る鍵となる．また，記号論的資源とそれを活用して行われる行為の間には再帰的なリンクが存在する．こうして環境との関わりを深めていく過程は，環境を利用 するというよりは，環境と対話を続けることである．また本章で例にあげたような発話イベントは，様々な立場の人々を社会的な状況に巻き込み，組織化する． その分析には参与枠組み(Hymes 1972; Goffman 1981)という次元を導入することが有効である．本論文を含む人類学者による研究は，(1)教師にあたる個人による一般化しうる知識の明示的な表明，お よび(2)生徒にあたる個人による知識の内容についてのその表明の解釈の双方を伴うもの(Cisbra & Gergely 2006: 5)という教育の定義では除外，軽視されるような，非明示的に知識や技術が再生産される仕組みに注目し，それを詳細に分析してきた．グイ／ガナの人々がこ うした教育・学習の方略によってそのコミュニティに社会化していく一方で，グイ／ガナのコミュニティもそれによって構成，維持されてきた．コンテクストを 前提とし，コンテクストを構成する行為者の主体性は，本来的に社会的なものである．グイ／ガナのコミュニティの将来は，新たな地理的セッティングでこうし た社会性な主体性がどのように実現されるかにかかっている．

2. 高田 明 (近刊). ゴフマンのクラフトワーク: その言語人類学における遺産. 中河伸俊・平英美・渡辺克典(編), アーヴィング・ゴフマンの相互行為秩序研究. 東京: 新曜社.

本論文では，社会的状況，関わり，参与枠組みをキーワードとして，Goffmanの仕事の特徴，およびそれが言語人類学に与えた影響を整理した。こうした Goffmanの仕事を重要な源泉の１つとして，言語人類学はさらにその研究の領域を広げ，関心を深めながら発展してきている。人類学者は，「未知」の社 会の常識（の構造とその成り立ち）を理解しようとすることによって自らの社会を相対化し，両者に通底する仕組みを論じる。当該社会のメンバーにとってはあ たりまえで些細な日常的な行為が，人類学者にとっては上記の課題に取り組んでいくための重要な素材となる。この作業にあらかじめ決められた作法はない。 Goffmanのクラフトワーク，すなわち彼が洗練された目で良質の素材を選び，シンプルな道具を巧みに使い，あざやかな手さばきでそれを優れた作品へと 仕立て上げていく行程は，この課題に対するもっとも優れた回答の１つを提供している。またGoffmanは，他の社会学の理論家とは異なり，考察の素材と なった具体的な出来事への関心を維持し続けた。こうしたGoffmanの仕事は，同様の課題に取り組んでいる人類学者を惹きつけて止まない。

3. 高田 明 (近刊). 親密な関係の形成と環境. 西真如・木村周平・速水洋子(編), G-COE最終成果 第3巻, 人間圏の再構築. 京都: 京都大学学術出版会.

精神分析学およびその影響を受けた研究は，人間圏の論理の核に親密圏を想定し，さらに親密圏を形成する初期の人間関係に注目して，生涯を通じた自我の発達 という視座から人間存在を論じてきた。またジュホアンの社会化に関する研究は，その特徴が「ヒト本来の子育て」についての議論と結びつけられることによっ て，上記の研究史において重要な位置を占めてきた。しかし，近年のさらなる研究の進展は，こうした主張には検討の余地あることを示す。そこで本研究では， ジュホアンと社会的，言語的に近縁だが，バントゥー系農牧民との社会的交渉や定住化・集住化がより進んでいるクンに注目し，クンの子どもをめぐる人間関係 の中で親密圏が形成されていく過程をジュホアンのそれと比較しながら分析した。その結果，クンでもジュホアンとの類似点（例:身体的なケアでは母親が第一 義的な役割を担う）が確認される一方で，両者の間には重要な違い（例:クンでは離乳前から子どもにしばしば離乳食が与えられる。母親以外で養育行動に従事 する人々の内訳はジュホアンとクンの間で大きく異なる。）も確認された。またクンでは，乳幼児のケアに責任を持つ養育者は養育行動の領域ごとに異なってい た。こうした違いは，クンとジュホアンがその環境で利用する資源の違いによって説明できる。また自我の発達における文化的多様性や個人差を説明するために は，子どもの行為とそれを導く周囲からの配慮を切り離さずに分析し，さらにその関係が社会の中ではたす働きについて考察していく必要があること，とくに子 ども集団活動は親密圏の形成と人間圏の変容・再統合のいずれをも担うことが示唆された。

4. 高田 明 (近刊). ポスト狩猟採集社会と子どもの社会化. 佐藤廉也・池口明子(編), 自然と生きる, 第3巻, 身体. 滋賀: 海青社.

この論文の目的は、ポスト狩猟採集社会における環境の変化に伴って子どもの社会化における特徴がどう再編されるのか、私が調査地としてきたナミビア北中部 に住むクン・サンの事例に基づいて論じることである。定住化･集住化は、クンを社会化する自然環境・社会環境に離乳食の利用可能性の増加、移動性の減少、 生産･消費の単位の縮小、近接して居住する子ども数の増加などの変化をもたらした。こうした変化に直面し、クンは日常的なコミュニケーションのスタイルを 再編していったと考えられる。まとめでは，クンとジュホアンにおける養育行動の構造的な類似点と相違点について考察することを通じて，エコロジーや生業活 動は行動パターンや親の信念体系を組織化するための資源を提供するというモデルを提示する。

5. 高田 明 (近刊). 文化人類学の考え方. 田島信元・南徹弘(編), 発達科学ハンドブック, 第1巻, 発達心理学と隣接領域の理論・方法論. 東京: 新曜社.

もうかなりの間，人間の社会性に関心を持つ心理学者が文化の大切さを称揚する一方で，多くの人類学者は自分たちが世の中に広めた文化という概念にアンビバ レントな態度を示してきた．両者の溝は思いのほか深い．しかし，この溝の底には豊かな水流がある．この章では，文化人類学の考え方を紹介することを通じて 両者がどう協働できるか考えたい．

6. Takada, A. (in press). A personal environment: The application of folk knowledge amongst the San of the central Kalahari Desert. In Handbook of indigenous knowledge and changing environments. Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (LINKS) Programme, UNESCO.

Amongst the various groups of San that live in southern Africa, this study focuses on two neighbouring language groups, the |Gui and ||Gana. In a region of scant rainfall that varies greatly by location and year, the |Gui/||Gana developed a vast folk knowledge that allowed them to acquire ample bush foods by moving frequently and flexibly within their immense living area, now encompassed by the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (hereafter, CKGR). However, since the implementation of Botswana’s development programme in the 1970s, which encouraged permanent settlement in villages, the lifestyle of the |Gui/||Gana has been altered. By 1997, most CKGR residents had moved to a new settlement that was founded outside the reserve. I examined how the |Gui/||Gana have applied their folk knowledge in this new geographical setting. Given the lack of knowledge of landmarks, the scarcity of traditional foods and the promotion of other subsistence activities, their foraging activities appeared to decline. However, several |Gui/||Gana people have remained eager to form foraging excursions. These hunters began accumulating knowledge of trees as landmarks, as they did in their previous living area. They also use the trail of Tswana merchants as a frame of reference to grasp their relative location. The use of the trail is analogous to the |Gui/||Gana’s use of |qaa (a dry valley), which was an important landform for dead-reckoning navigation in their previous living area. The analysis of conversations recorded during foraging excursions indicates that the |Gui/||Gana activate their keen sense of the environment through their distinctive use of utterances and gestures. This sense is necessary to use both |qaa and the Tswana trail as frames of reference in the relatively flat terrain of the Kalahari. Moreover, this sense has motivated the |Gui/||Gana to transform a novel geographical setting into their personal environment.

7. Takada, A. (2011). Pre-verbal infant-caregiver interaction. In A. Duranti, E. Ochs, & B. B. Schieffelin (Eds.), The handbook of language socialization. Oxford: Blackwell (pp.56-80).

Research on the development of social interactions has shown how caregivers and infants, from the moment of birth, reciprocally accommodate patterns of behaviors. The infant develops various innate competencies through approaches from a caregiver, creates interaction patterns, and begins to appropriate culture through imitation (Kaye, 1982; Tomasello, 1999). The relation between the particularity and universality that characterizes caregiver-infant interaction systems, however, has yet to be analyzed. In this vein, studies of language socialization have developed theoretical tools to illuminate how each community’s habitus of communicative codes, practices, and strategies is related to its socio-cultural logic (Ochs, 1988; Duranti, 1997; Ochs, Solomon & Sterponi, 2005). This chapter establishes a theoretical perspective on language socialization before speech and clarifies the ethnographic distinctiveness of caregiver-infant interactions among the |Gui/||Gana, two neighboring groups of the San. A |Gui/||Gana mother usually nurses her infant for a few minutes at a time, with short intervals between nursing. Young infants react to the proximal context using a narrow variety of actions, whereas the mother was involved in a much wider participation framework, reacting to the infant only after a fretful movement. This is one reason for the distinctive nursing pattern. Moreover, infant sucking was negatively correlated with “gymnastic” behavior (standing or jumping on a caregiver’s lap). Caregivers frequently induced infant stepping movements, created rhythms in caregiver-child interactions, and thereby made interactions pleasurable. As such, corporeality is omnipresent in caregiver-infant interactions. The |Gui/||Gana have several language genres, which introduce communicative musicality in caregiver-infant interactions. Rhe |kii of tsando, a song-for-infants, makes use of melody to accommodate infant actions and often involves infants in multi-party interactions. Analysis demonstrates that “what might appear to be the transparent physicality of the body” may evolve through the history of practitioners’ involvement with “a complex, nuanced interplay of social and cultural forces (Hanks, 1996: 248)”. Facilitated by these forces, even a young infant produces responses according to the expectancy of the caregiver. These early forms of “responsibility” pave the way for the infant to take part in more complicated interactions in later life, such as performances of imitation. Previous studies on imitation have asserted that a prerequisite for the transmission of culture is that all members of the social system share common aims. Alternatively, without assuming culture as constructed in the child’s inner world, language socialization research illuminates how caregivers and children collaboratively realize cultural meanings via children’s involvement in the participation frameworks of a given speech community long before becoming able to perform imitation

8.Takada, A. (2011). Language contact and social change in North-Central Namibia: Socialization via singing and dancing activities among the !Xun San. In C. König & O. Hieda (Eds.), Tokyo university of foreign studies: Studies in linguistics Vol.2, Geographical typology and linguistic area: With special reference to Africa. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins (pp251-267).

Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, children of different ages play in groups, a practice that plays a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. Singing and dancing constitutes a major activity in girls’ groups, with most of the songs having originated among agro-pastoralists. !Xun children incorporate these original aspects into their own play activities. In this article, I analyzed how young children start engaging in such “multiparty embodied participation frameworks” of singing and dancing activity. The examples show various participation frameworks in which a 2-year-old child was involved in singing and dancing activities. The participation frameworks are different with regard to (1) the configuration of the direction and extent of participants’ attention, (2) the complexity of the activity and the skills required to engage in it, and (3) the semiotic resources used to establish the multiple boundaries of the activity. The examples also have some implications for studies of socialization. The active imitation observed in the activity is crucial for organizing subsequent action.

9. 高田 明 (2010). 相互行為を支えるプラグマティックな制約：セントラル・カラハリ・サンにおける模倣活動の連鎖組織. 木村大治・中村美知夫・高梨克也(編), インタラクションの境界と接続: サル・人・会話研究から. 京都: 昭和堂, pp.358-377.

この小論では，他者と同じように行為することが自然な相互行為の過程においてなにを意味するのかを検討した．子どもたちの記憶は，はじめは行為の連鎖に埋 め込まれている．その後，行為が記憶によって生じさせられるメカニズムがこれに重ね合わされる．こうした発達的な経過を通じて，子どもの認識論的な景観 （epistemological landscape）はより構造化されたものとなる．同時に，子どもたちは次第に，相互行為の流れの中で取り得る選択肢を考慮するときに起動させる予期の 範囲を拡げていく．これを反映して，相互行為の流れが乱された場合に子どもたちがみせるリアクションは，単なる感覚運動シェマの繰り返しから，他者による 次の行為を見ながら待つ，さらには文化的に共有されたスクリプトを参照するというものに変化する．これらの変化は，子どもたちが次第に複雑になっていく相 互行為の連鎖組織において，適切なタイミングで適切な行為を行うことを可能にする．また，言語的社会化の過程においては，文化が欠くことのできない役割を 担っている．子どもが生まれてすぐから，相互行為はつねに歴史的に構築されてきた特定の文化的なセッティングの中で生じる．しかし，さまざまな文化を通じ て，子どもは対面の相互行為に参加して行為を行う．この場合，子どもはたいてい共通のプラグマティックな制約に直面する．これらのプラグマティックな制約 は，それぞれの参与者が文化を内在化していない場合でさえ，子どもに相互理解の基盤を提供する．そして子どもは，この相互理解を目指して，相互行為の中で 交渉される意味のふるまいを柔軟に解釈する．こうした営みを通じて，子どもは世代を超えて文化的に特異な活動を継承し，それを再創造することができるので ある．

10. Takada, A. (2008). Kinship and naming among the Ekoka !Xun. In S. Ermisch (Ed.), Research in Khoisan studies, No.22, Khoisan languages and linguistics: Proceedings of the 2nd International Symposium, January 8-12, 2006, Riezlern/Kleinwalsertal. . Cologne, Germany: Rudiger Koppe Verlag Koln (pp.303-322).

Researchers have recognized the kinship and naming system as the center of !Kung socio-cultural organization. Lee (1986) noted that “kinship is the central organizing principle of societies like the !Kung” (p. 79). Anthropologists recognize the !Kung kinship system as a typical example of universal kin classification (UKC), a form of social classification that encompasses an entire society and is based on notions of kinship and affinity (Barnard, 1992: 265-266). However, the Ju|’hoan kinship and naming system is not necessarily applicable to other groups of !Kung. Barnard (1992: 40) pointed out that virtually all modern research among the !Kung has been carried out in only two adjacent and similar areas in central-eastern Namibia and southwestern Botswana. Subsequently, except for several linguistic works (e.g., Heikkinen, 1987; Konig and Heine, 2001), contemporary studies have paid little attention to the !Xun, a group of the !Kung living in north-central Namibia. This article examines the kinship and naming system of the !Xun and clarifies the underlying principles by which their kinship and naming terms are systematically derived. I conducted field research in the settled !Xun village of Ekoka, located in north-central Namibia. For the !Xun of Ekoka, the kinship and naming system is an organizing principle for their cultural practices. However, this system has been formed in a different way from that of the more well-known Ju|’hoan of Nyae Nyae and Dobe. Moreover, the kinship and naming system represents the history of inter-ethnic relationships in north-central Namibia.

11. Takada, A. (2008). Les pratiques de navigation dans le desert du Karahari (Botswana) chez les San: Exemple d’observation participante. In H. Norimatsu & N. Pigem (Eds.), Collection Cursus, psychologie: Les techniques d’observation en sciences humaines. Paris: Armand Colin, (pp.132-141).

(1) When the |Gui / ||Gana move through the bushveld, they quickly find places with fewer obstacles. The following fragments of a conversation that occurred in a car show how information on the environment becomes public to the participants.
G: aa xoa ka koo (1) aa qhoro za
Go in that direction. Toward that clearing.
(1) G held out his right hand and pointed to the right of the front window. Slightly later, T held out his right hand and pointed to the right of the prior direction.

With a pointing gesture, G used the distal demonstrative “aa” in an explanatory way; the descriptive word “qhoro (lit. clear)” followed the phrase. The word “qhoro” overtly signaled a place with low grass cover. Note that the gesture and utterance appeared in space that was filled with resources for communication. One of these resources was the configuration of the people in the car. G was sitting on the back seat, and thus out of the view of N, who was the driver and a Japanese national. Compared to the other informants, G used descriptive and complex phrases. These phrases suggest that the addressee was not N but another informant T, who was sitting next to N and was supposed to indicate the way to her. Overlapping with G’s utterance, T accordingly held out his right hand and pointed to the direction that G had displayed. Before this, N had indicated the difficulty in finding the way by laughing. Given the utterance and gesture by G and T, however, N turned the car in the indicated direction. The laughter ceased. Afterward, N’s driving became coordinated with the gestures of T. In brief, G, T, and N coordinated their actions and thereby exhibited their mutual understanding about which direction to take. The papers also demonstrate (not shown here) (2) how the |Gui / ||Gana use specific trees as landmarks in the bushveld and (3) how they understand woodlands and basins that were previously used as campsites in their nomadic lifestyle.

12. 高田 明 (2008). ナミビア北部におけるサンと権力との関係史. 池谷和信・武内進一・佐藤廉也(編), 朝倉世界地理講座: 大地と人間の物語, 第12巻, アフリカⅡ, 東京: 朝倉書店, pp.601-614.

この小論では、私が進めるサン(San)の文化人類学的調査の一環として、ナミビア北部に台頭してきた人々や組織とサンとの関係史を示す。ナミビア北部で 歴史的に台頭してきた人々や組織（e.g., オバンボ，植民地政府，宣教団，ナミビア共和国，NGOや国際機関）はそれぞれ、ナミビア北部の地域社会を特色づける慣習やシステム、すなわち社会的制度 を持ち込んだ。新しい社会的制度の中で、サンはしばしばその位置づけを再定義されてきた。こうして権力がサンに与えてきた位置づけ、さらにはサンのためを うたって実施してきた政策は、実際にはサン以外の様々な人々や組織の利害関係を背景としたものである。しかし、こうしたイメージの変転（ただし、その位置 づけが社会の周縁部にあったことは歴史を通じて共通している）や政治経済的な利害関係の移り変わり、さらには通婚等を通じた頻繁な混血を経験したにもかか わらず、サンをエスニック・グループとして他のアクターから隔てる文化的な境界は、歴史を通じて連綿とリアリティを持ってきた。

13. 高田 明 (2006). グイ／ガナの養育者-乳児間相互行為：「サオ・カム」実践に関する覚え書き. 菅野盾樹(編), 身体と動きの人間学,大阪: 大阪大学大学院人間科学研究科基礎人間科学講座基礎人間学・現代記号学研究分野, pp.95-104.

これまで私は，サンにおける授乳やジムナスティック（養育者が乳児を膝の上で抱え上げ，立位を保持，あるいは上下運動させる一連の行動）といった養育行動 は，生後2～4ヶ月という幼い乳児に行われる場合でさえ，日常的な相互行為の文脈と切り離して考えることはできないこと(高田2004; Takada 2005a)を示してきた．こうした研究は，究極的にはサンの社会的相互行為を組織化していく文化的構造を明らかにすることを目的としている．いいかえれ ば，乳児と養育者が共同で生み出している「うごき」の分析を通じて，サンの「文化」について考えて行こうというのである．こうした研究の一環として私は最 近，グイ／ガナの養育者が乳児に行う「サオ・カム」に注目している．サオ・カムは字義通りには「あやす方法」という意味で，乳児をあやすために行う言語的 働きかけのことを指す．サオ・カムでは，養育者（たいていは乳児の近しい女性親族）がしばしば乳児をあやすために簡略化されたニックネームを用いる．サ オ・カムの実践において養育者は乳児をどのように相互行為に参画させるのか？これについて，本稿ではビデオ映像から作成した書き起こしに基づいて予備的な 考察を行った．

14. Takada, A. (2005). Mother-infant interactions among the !Xun: Analysis of gymnastic and breastfeeding behaviors. In B. S. Hewlett & M. E. Lamb (Eds.), Hunter-gatherer childhoods: Evolutionary, developmental, and cultural perspectives (pp.289-308). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.

The relationships between “gymnastic” behavior (keeping infants standing or jumping on one’s lap) and breast-feeding, and the foraging lifestyle of the San (the indigenous people of Southern Africa) were the focus of this study. In order to better understand these two behaviors, and the relationship between them, field research was conducted among the !Xun (or !Xu~) San, who have close associations with agro-pastoral peoples. Analyses showed that !Xun caretakers frequently engaged fretful infants in gymnastic behavior. It has been reported previously that the San believe that gymnastic behavior promotes infant motor development; it emerged in this study, however, that the !Xun feel that this behavior soothes infants. In addition, it was found that mothers nursed their babies briefly and frequently, at short intervals. This pattern of breast feeding had the following characteristics: mothers would nurse infants at any time and in any location; mothers nursed infants to soothe them; during suckling, mothers gazed at their infants less than they would usually do; gymnastic behavior sometimes interrupted breast-feeding; and mothers seldom jiggled their infants during pauses in suckling. This investigation led to the following insights: (1) an observational study allows researchers to apprehend ways in which culturally distinct caregiving behaviors arise; (2) cultural diversity is apparent in caregiver-infant interactions from their incipiency; and (3) the assumption that the practice of caregiving behaviors is essentially determined by environment and subsistence pattern should be reconsidered.

15. Takada, A. (2005). The importance of gesture and grammar in displaying directional markers: Evidence from the San of the Central Kalahari. In K. Sugawara (Ed.), Construction and distribution of body resources: Correlations between ecological, symbolic and medical systems (pp.31-55). Tokyo: The head office of the project on “Distribution and sharing of resources in symbolic and ecological systems: Integrative model-building in anthropology”.

Navigation practices constitute a promising research domain for the development of action theory, which analyses language use in conjunction with the structure of the environment at the point of action (Goodwin, 2000). Takada (in preparation) has clarified the structural aspects of the immense environmental knowledge of the |Gui and ||Gana, two closely related sub-groups of the San. Their sensitivity towards the environment (Sugawara, 1998), and their distinctive group dynamics, create the context in which this knowledge is activated. Based on these findings, this paper demonstrates how an experienced navigator displays directional markers by deploying various semiotic resources. Analysis is focused on the following aspects of action. First, various kinds of gesture (e.g., body posture, gaze direction, and pointing) are effectively used to display the orientation of the navigator’s attention. As people, generally, carry themselves in culturally shared ways, audiences are sensitive to such forms of orientation, and attune themselves continually to each other’s attentional direction. Through mutual attunement of their attention, the navigator and audience collaboratively interpret events. Secondly, San languages, particularly those of the |Gui and ||Gana, have a variety of pronouns and suffixes. These are used to frame the continuously changing membership categories that construct the contextual configurations of conversations when they practice navigation-related activities. In this context, individual behaviors emerge as socially oriented actions. The data examined here demonstrate that the distinctive communication style of the |Gui / ||Gana is advantageous with regard to coordinating the actions of group members. Their remarkable navigation practices are inseparable from their communication style. Furthermore, this study helps to enhance our understanding of the components of the |Gui / ||Gana lifeworld.

16. 高田 明 (2004). 移動生活と子育て：グイとガナにおけるジムナスティック場面の特徴. 田中二郎・佐藤俊・菅原和孝・太田至(編), 遊動民：アフリカの原野に生きる. 京都: 昭和堂, pp.228-248.

サンにおけるジムナスティック（乳児を膝の上で抱え上げ，立位を保持，あるいは上下運動させる一連の行動）は，狩猟採集に基づく移動生活と関連づけて説明 されてきた．高田(2002a)では，サンの養育行動の多様性，日常的文脈を検討するため，サンの中でも定住化や農耕牧畜民との交渉が進んでいるクンで調 査を行った．その結果，先行研究から示唆される予想に反して，クンでも乳児に早くから頻繁にジムナスティックを行うことがわかった．これはジムナスティッ クがしばしば「あやし」として行われることによる．本稿は，上の高田(2002a)をふまえて，グイやガナにおけるジムナスティック場面の特徴を記述・分 析したものである．グイやガナでも，乳児に早くから頻繁にジムナスティックを行う．行動のシーケンスを分析したところ，ジムナスティックにはやはり乳児を あやす効果があることが示された．ただしグイやガナは，ジムナスティックが乳児の歩く力を育てるとも考えている．さらに，グイやガナは，乳児に人々は座る ことや立つこと，歩くことを積極的に教える．そうした「訓練」と関連して，治療目的の行為も多く確認される．グイやガナにおけるジムナスティックをクンで のそれと比較すると，養育者との接触度，ジムナスティックの頻度，ジムナスティック直前の状況についてはクンとよく似ている．これに対して，ジムナス ティック中の乳児や養育者の行動に関しては，グイやガナとクンとの間でそれぞれの民俗理論を反映した違いがみられる．以上から，文化的に共有された民俗理 論がどのように組織化されているのかを明らかにすることが，ジムナスティックの行為実践を論じるうえで重要であると考えられる．この作業は，ジムナス ティックをめぐる文化的構造について，もう一歩踏み込んで論じることにもつながるはずである．

17. 高田 明 (2003). 子どもの発達と文化：心理学と人類学. 片岡基明・吉田直子(編), 子どもの発達心理学を学ぶ人のために, 京都: 世界思想社, pp.208-231.

文化的状況が異なればそこに暮らす人々の発達過程も違うのだろうか？これは子どもの発達と文化との関係に関心を持つ心理学者，子どもの社会化について研究 する人類学者にとってもっとも基本的な問いだろう．本稿では，こうした問いを共有する心理学と人類学の関わりを紹介することで，子どもの発達と文化との関 係を考えた．

1.Takada, A. (2012). Responsibility formation in directive sequences between Japanese caregivers and children. Paper presented at the International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences 2012 Inter-Congress: Children and Youth in a Changing World, Bhubaneswar, India, November 26-30.

As part of more encompassing efforts to develop an empirically grounded theory on the cultural formation of responsibility, this paper examines how young Japanese children and their caregivers mold their interactions in relation to directives, defined as “an utterance intended to get the listener to do something” (Goodwin 2006). We collected data about caregiver-child interactions and classified caregiver directives and child responses into several categories. Our analyses revealed that when a child resists a caregiver’s directive, the caregiver can effectively use “reported speech” and thereby indirectly communicate her regulation of the child’s behavior. This provides a context in which actions fit for the culturally shared values, such as Omoiyari (sensitivity to others’ feelings and desires), are put into practice. These strategies form the distinctive types of communicative competence in Japanese caregiver-child interactions and are also induced by the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements.

2.Takada, A. & Endo, T. (2012). Do me a favor: Object requests embedded in directive sequences in Japanese caregiver-child interactions. Paper presented at the symposium: Object requests in six languages, held in Language, Culture and Mind V: Integrating Semiotics Resources in Communication and Creativity, Universidade Catolica Portuguesa, CECC-FCH, Lisbon, Portugal, June 27-29.

Requesting an object is a basic and ubiquitous activity in human interaction (Curl & Drew 2008), but the form of object requests varies considerably across speech communities and over developmental progress. Few studies have analyzed the situational factors that affect how speakers select a particular form of object request. This paper focuses on one part of a larger study about the sequence organization of a directive, which can be defined as “an utterance intended to get the listener to do something” (Goodwin 2006). Specifically, this paper focuses on social situations in which Japanese caregivers reiterate directives to their children and on how caregivers formulate requests as a form of directive based on the responses of children. We collected longitudinal data on Japanese caregiver-child (children were aged 0-5 years) interactions in natural settings. Based on approximately 500 hours of video data, we conducted an interaction analysis of gestures and conversations involving directive sequences. The results revealed that when a caregiver issued a directive, the child often did not comply. As with most caregivers, Japanese caregivers develop strategies to encourage a child to behave properly. When a child resisted obeying a caregiver’s directive, one major strategy used by the caregiver was to issue a modified directive to regulate the child’s behavior. This sequence can be summarized as follows: Action 1 by caregiver (CG): directive; Action 2 by child (C): non-acceptance; Action 3 by CG: modified directive; Action 4 by C: acceptance. Our dataset revealed that caregivers often applied actions 1-3 recursively until action 4 (acceptance) was obtained. Previous researchers (e.g., Ervin-Tripp 1976; Clancy 1986) have proposed a ‘scale of directness’ of directives. Analyses of directness or indirectness can help to clarify variations in directives. Directness is determined by the intensity of action: in our dataset, directness varied from imperative to request, suggestion, prompting, and invitation as the intensity was modulated. Among these, we observed request most frequently, followed by suggestion and prompting. In the Japanese language, these forms of directives can be identified by the final particle, which usually occurs at the end of utterance. This grammatical feature allows speakers to modify the directness of directives as they continually re-evaluate the recipient’s responses. Our analysis suggests that this strategy constitutes a distinctive kind of communicative competence in Japanese caregiver-child interactions and that it is induced by the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements. Language both reflects and constitutes context. The frameworks used to facilitate mutual understanding constitute the conversational settings that create and recreate morality in caregiver-child interactions.

4.Takada, A. (2012). Shaping intimate relationships: developmental transition in caregiving activities for young children among the !Xun of north-central Namibia. Paper presented at the AAACIG symposium held in American Anthropological Association Childhood Interest Group (AAACIG) joint meeting with The Society for Anthropological Sciences (SASci) and The Society for Cross-Cultural Research (SCCR), Las Vegas, NV, USA, February 22-25.

Researchers have considered that the San, whose foraging lifestyle is well known, provide vital clues to understanding the essence of human caregiving. San children form extremely close relationships with their mothers. The San consist of several groups, among which the Ju|’hoan are the best known. This study focused on caregiving activities among the !Xun, who are closely associated with agropastoral peoples and are neighbors of the Ju|’hoan. Three major domains of caregiving (physical care, verbal utterances, and feeding) were examined. Although young !Xun children formed close physical bonds with their mothers, other caregivers also played important roles in childcare. Female and male children and female adolescents engaged considerably in caregiving activities, in contrast to their Ju|’hoan counterparts. These young !Xun contributed most to physical care, followed by verbal utterances and feeding. Konner (2005) explained differences in caregiving activities among foraging groups in terms of the diversity of accessible resources. This argument is to some extent applicable to the differences observed between the nomadic Ju|’hoan and the sedentary !Xun. Based on this evidence, I reconsidered the relationships among ecology, subsistence activities, and patterns of caregiver-child interactions.

5.高田 明 (2011). 狩猟採集民研究の視点から. シンポジウム「ヒトにおける個体学習と社会学習の実態と問題点」. 田邊宏樹(編), ネアンデルターとサピエンス交替劇の真相: 学習能力の進化に基づく実証的研究 第４回研究大会プロシーディング, pp.20-21. 於: 岡崎コンファレンスセンター. 2011・12・11.

本プロジェクトの学習進化モデルで提起された個体学習と社会学習は，それぞれ個体的＝非社会的な状況と社会的な状況で生じる学習だと解釈できる．これに対 して，学習が成立する原理に焦点をあてた区分としては，古典的条件付け，道具的条件付け，観察学習（その関連カテゴリーとしてのイミテーションやエミュ レーション）などがある．これらはいずれも，上記の個体学習，社会学習のどちらにおいても成立しうる．いいかえれば，両者ともさまざまな原理がからみ合っ て生じる．ヒトの発展の一因は，その社会が各人の学習をサポートする仕組みを形成し，発展させてきたこと，すなわち社会学習を促進してきたことにあるのだ ろう．本発表では，南部アフリカのサンで観察される学習の様式を分析し，狩猟採集民において社会学習が生じる状況の特徴を論じる．さらに，社会学習に関し て私たちが仮定しがちないくつかの前提を明示し，その妥当性について他の参加者と議論したい．

5.Takada, A. (2011). From the viewpoint of hunter-gatherer studies. Paper presented at the Symposium: The reality and problems of social and individual learning among human beings. Okazaki Conference Center, Aichi, Japan, 11th December 2011. In H. Tanabe(ed.), Proceedings of the 4th general meeting of Replacement of Neanderthals by Homo sapiens, pp.20-21.(in Japanese)

In this project, the models of evolutional learning considers individual learning and social learning as learning that occurs in individual (i.e. non-social) and social situations respectively. Meanwhile, previous studies have classified the types of learning, such as respondent conditioning, operant conditioning, and observation learning (and imitation and emulation as relevant categories), based on the principles that enable learning. All of these types of learning can be observed in both individual and social learning seen above. In other words, various principles for learning are intertwined for both individual and social learning. The flourish of homo sapience can be partly caused by the fact that human society has formed and developed the devises that support the learning of its members, that is to say, it has facilitated social learning. In this presentation, I will argue the distinctiveness of social situations that enables social learning of hunter-gatherers, based on the observations of the learning styles among the San of southern Africa. Furthermore, I will clarify several premises that we tend to have while talking about social learning, in order to discuss their validity.

7.Takada, A. (2011). Intimate relationships and the environment: Developmental transition of caregiving activities among the !Xun of North-central Namibia. Paper presented at the international conference: In search of sustainable humanosphere in Asia and Africa. Inamori Foundation Memorial Hall, Kyoto University, Japan, December 4-6 (5th December 2011).

Researchers have considered that the San, whose foraging lifestyle is well known, provide vital clues to understanding the essence of human caregiving. San children form extremely close relationships with their mothers. The San consist of several groups, among which the Ju|’hoan are the best known. This study focused on caregiving activities among the !Xun, who are closely associated with agropastoral peoples and are neighbors of the Ju|’hoan. Three major domains of caregiving (physical care, verbal utterances, and feeding) were examined. Although young !Xun children formed close physical bonds with their mothers, other caregivers also played important roles in childcare. Female and male children and female adolescents engaged considerably in caregiving activities, in contrast to their Ju|’hoan counterparts. These young !Xun contributed most to physical care, followed by verbal utterances and feeding. Konner (2005) explained differences in caregiving activities among foraging groups in terms of the diversity of accessible resources. This argument is to some extent applicable to the differences observed between the nomadic Ju|’hoan and the sedentary !Xun. Based on this evidence, I reconsidered the relationships among ecology, subsistence activities, and patterns of caregiver-child interactions.

8.Takada, A. (2011). From rhythm to morality: Communicative musicality among the San of Southern Africa. Paper presented at the international conference: Intersubjectivity: From birth for life. St. Cecilia’s Hall, Cowgate, Edinburgh, Scotland, 15th October 2011.

Our research data on gymnastic behavior and singing/dancing activity demonstrate that participant’s view of childcare can be better understood by communicative musicality perspective as opposed to evolutionary and functional perspectives. Communicative musicality introduces a temporal structure to caregiver-child interactions. This facilitates the participants to coordinate their attention, posture, position, and affect with other participants in the course of interactions. The coordination process indicates what the participant should and should not do, and thereby provides the basis for encouraging morality in the given society. Children then gradually broaden the range of social situation in which they can act properly. The communicative musicality perspective developed by Malloch, Trevarthen and his colleagues give a powerful tool to analyze how such morality is going to be organized.

9.Takada, A. (2011). Surname and inter-ethnic relationships of the Ekoka !Xun. Paper presented at the 4th International Symposium on Khoisan Languages and Linguistics: The hunter-gatherer legacy of Khoisan-speaking peoples: in memory of Hans den Besten (1948-2010). Riezlern/Kleinwalsertal, Austria, July 10-14 (12th July 2011). (Invited Speaker)

This paper re-examines the concept of family/kinship in San studies by analyzing life-stories among the !Xun San living in north-central Namibia. Study of the !Xun, a group of San living in north-central Namibia, provides a valuable perspective on San studies. The following examples of life-stories enable us to examine the interplay between their ethnicity and familial/kin relationships with special reference to the applications of the surname system of !Xun (||’honi), the clan system of Owambo (epata), and the surname system of Hai||om (n!hao): (1) A male born of an Owambo father and a !Xun mother was raised as an Owambo. After his father passed away, however, he moved into a !Xun camp with his mother and siblings and lived as a !Xun, depending on Owambo people. (2) A male with Hai||om parents worked for the Owambo chief with his !Xun colleague for many years and then married a !Xun female. He then moved to a village founded by missionaries, where he was later chosen as the headman of the village’s !Xun camp. (3) A !Xun girl born in a !Xun camp was fostered by an Owambo family for more than 10 years. She gave birth to two children, the first with an Owambo classmate and the second with an Owambo ex-soldier. When she was pregnant with her third child, by the Owambo ex-soldier, she went back to the !Xun camp and decided to settle there. To understand regional !Xun society, it is necessary to study their familial/kin relationships within a new theoretical framework. In contrast to traditionalist and revisionist analyses, this framework must treat !Xun relationships with others as an intrinsic component of efforts to explain the family/kinship. A reconsideration of the “family” in San studies leads us to reformulate our understanding of the social system in which the San play an important role.

10.Takada, A. (2011). Some features of directive sequences in Japanese caregiver-child interactions. Paper presented at the JSLS invited symposium: Reconsidering “communicative competence”: Findings and suggestions from fieldwork/empirical research, at 13th Annual meeting of the Japanese Society for Language Sciences, Kansai University, Osaka, June 25-26 (25th June 2011). Proceedings, pp.22-25. (Invited Speaker))

Studies on communicative competence have examined how language and other semiotic resources are used in social settings. Instead of seeing children as immature, this line of research has indicated that even toddlers can employ sophisticated strategies to achieve their purposes in their everyday interactions. As part of more encompassing efforts to develop an empirically grounded theory on the cultural formation of responsibility, which is considered an important facet of communicative competence, this paper examines how young Japanese children and their caregivers mold their interactions in relation to directives. Directives in caregiver-child interactions (hereafter CCIs) are often issued when a caregiver observes misconduct or breaches of commonly accepted values on the part of the child. When a caregiver issues a directive, a child often do not respond directly to the caregiver’s intention and instead demonstrates embodied or sensory knowledge. The expression of embodied or sensory knowledge by a child is effective in eliciting a response from a caregiver in that it can serve as a clue to a common experience shared by child and caregiver. They may then jointly and progressively reconstruct the shared memory, thereby shifting the topic of conversation. On the other hand, pre-empting a child’s resistance to a directive also constitutes a strategy for leading the child to act properly. For instance, instead of conveying the explicit intention of a directive, a caregiver sometimes uses reported speech, which introduces the voice of one or more others in a participation framework. Reported speech invites a response from the recipient (Goodwin, 1984) and can thus function as an indirect directive. Our analysis suggests that these strategies constitute distinctive types of communicative competence in Japanese CCIs and also reflect the structural requirements of conversational settings, which rest primarily on universal elements.

11.高田 明 (2011). ナミビア北東部のサンにおける歌／踊り活動を通じた社会化. ネアンデルターとサピエンス交替劇の真相: 学習能力の進化に基づく実証的研究: 第2回研究大会. 於: 神戸学院大学. 2011・2・19-20 (2・19).

T南部アフリカの先住民として知られるジュホアン(サンの1グループ)では，授乳期間が約4年と長いことが知られてきた．またこの長い授乳期間の後，子ど もはその強い愛着の対象を多年齢からなる子ども集団に移すといわれてきた．これらは，社会化に長い期間を要する遊動生活に内在的な特徴だとされてきた．こ うした研究史を受けて，発表者はジュホアンと近縁なサンの1グループであり，近隣の農牧民との交渉が盛んなナミビア北中部のクン(!Xun)のもとで子ど も集団活動についての調査を行った．今日のクンでは，生後2年目の子どもに対して離乳が行われるようになっている．離乳後の子どもは，多年齢からなる子ど も集団の活動に参加し始める．こうした活動は子どものケアにおいて大きな役割を担い，通常大人の監視の外で行われる．子ども集団の活動の中では，歌／踊り がとりわけ重要である．少女たちのグループの主要な活動の1つである歌／踊りは，じつはたいてい農牧民由来のものである．クンの子どもたちは，そうした新 しい要素を積極的に遊びに取り入れている．今回の発表では，幼い子どもがどのようにして多人数による身体化された活動である歌／踊りに従事し始めるのかを 分析する．本発表でとりあげる事例は，言語的な教示がまだ十分に理解できない2歳児を歌／踊り活動に巻き込むさまざまな参与枠組みを示す．これらの事例は また，社会化の研究にとっても重要なインプリケーションを持っている．子ども集団はサンの社会の急速な変化を促進する一方で，社会の再統合にも大きく寄与 している．子ども集団の活動で観察される積極的な模倣は，社会組織を再創造するために重要な貢献をしている．

11.Takada, A. (2011). Responsibility formation in early caregiver-child interactions among the !Xun of North-Central Namibia. Paper presented at the international conference: Towards an anthropology of childhood and children: Ethnographic fieldwork diversity and construction of a field, held in Institute of human and social sciences, University of Liege, Belgium, March 9-11 (9th March 2011).

Research on the development of social interactions has shown how caregivers and infants reciprocally accommodate patterns of behaviors immediately upon the birth of the infant. However, the cultural nature of such systems has yet to be analyzed. I aimed to clarify the ethnographic distinctiveness of caregiver-infant interactions among the !Xun, a group of the San living in North-Central Namibia. !Xun mothers usually nurse infants for a few minutes at a time, punctuated by short intervals between nursing episodes. A detailed analysis of !Xun nursing practices indicates that young infants react to the proximal context with a narrow range of actions, whereas mothers demonstrate a much broader behavioural repertoire, which constitutes one reason for the distinctive nursing pattern. Moreover, infant sucking has been negatively correlated with “gymnastic” behaviours (infants standing or jumping on caregivers’ laps). Indeed, caregivers frequently engage infants in gymnastic behaviours, which induce infants to demonstrate stepping movements. These patterns create rhythms in caregiver-child interactions, thereby rendering these interactions pleasurable. The uses of the body observed in nursing and gymnastic activities indicate that corporeality is omnipresent in such caregiver-infant interactions. My analysis demonstrates that what appears to be a transparent physicality of the body may in fact evolve through a history involving complex interplay among cultural forces (Hanks, 1996). Encouraged by these forces, even young infants exhibit responses that match the expectations of caregivers. These early forms of “responsibility” pave the way for infants to participate in more complicated interactions in later life.

12.Takada, A. (2011). Socialization via singing and dancing activities among the San of north-central Namibia. Paper presented at the 2nd general meeting of Replacement of Neanderthals by Homo sapiens: Testing evolutionary models of learning, Kobe Gakuin University, Kobe, Japan, 19-20th February 2011 (19th February 2011). (in Japanese)

Previous studies have shown that Ju|’hoan (a subgroup of the San) children were not weaned until they were four years of age. After this long period of nursing, children would then shift their strong attachment to a multi-aged child group. These characteristics are considered intrinsic to a nomadic lifestyle that requires a long period of socialization. For reconsidering these characteristics, I conducted research in North-Central Namibia among the !Xun, neighbors of the Ju|’hoan with close agro-pastoral associations, to examine their child-group interactions. Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, these children became involved in multi-aged child group, Their activities play a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. The singing of, and dancing to, songs, most of which originated in agro-pastoral societies, are major activities for girls’ groups. !Xun children actively incorporate these new aspects into their play. In this presentation, I analyze how young children start engaging in such multiparty embodied activities of singing and dancing. The examples show various participation frameworks in which a 2-year-old child was involved in singing and dancing activities. The examples also have some implications for studies of socialization. Although child groups facilitate rapid changes in San society, they also enable social re-integration. The active imitation observed in their activities contributes importantly to regenerating their social organization.

14.Takada, A. (2010). Interactional analysis of the give-and-take activity. Paper presented at the 8th symposium on the cultural formation of responsibility: The Edges of Language Socialization Studies, Kyoto, Japan, 17-18th September 2010 (17th September 2010).

Young children become increasingly active in taking things from or giving things to another in the second year after the birth. The interaction patterns are then gradually shaped, with reference to the cultural norms of a given speech community (Ochs 1988; Takada 2005). What is emphasized less often is that young children do not always take actions in accordance with the sequential order of interactions. When the variety of operations increased, the pattern of the interaction becomes rather disarrayed. The reactions to such “infelicitous” actions are important, particularly when discussing early language socialization. Using videotaped interactions involving 8- to 14-month-old Japanese infants, which were collected through our longitudinal study on Caregiver-Child Interactions since 2007, I clarify the conditions that enable the give-and-take activity. The analysis suggests that infants at this age gradually begin to comprehend themselves through their reflection in others. Consequently, infants become foresee and organize the framework of their activity, a framework that is formed socio-culturally.

15.高田 明 (2010). エスニシティ・ドック：ナミビア北中部に住むクンのライフストーリー分析. 日本アフリカ学会第47回学術大会研究発表要旨, p.59. 於: 奈良県文化会館. 2010・5・29-30 (5・29).

「ナミビア北中部に住むクン(!Xun)は，南部アフリカ一帯の「先住民」であるサン(San)の１グループだとされる．本発表では，クンのライフストー リー分析を通じて，彼らのエスニシティが創造・再創造されてきた仕組みを解きほぐしてみたい． 　この試みの意義を示すために，まずサンの錯綜する研究史にふれておこう．サンは伝統的に狩猟採集に基づく移動生活を営んでいたとされる．初期のサン調査 は，現代の狩猟採集民であるサンが人類社会の始原的な姿を復元する鍵になると考えた．これに対して「見直し派」と呼ばれるグループは，サンは近隣諸民族を 含むより大きな政治経済的なシステムの中で下層に追いやられてきた人々の集合に過ぎないと主張し，さらに，「孤立した自律的なサンの社会」という幻想を創 出してきたとして従来の研究者（「伝統派」と呼ばれる）を糾弾した．伝統派はサン，とくに彼らがおもな研究対象としてきたジュホアン(Ju|’hoan) と近隣諸民族との接触があった地域，その程度，その解釈に関して見直し派に反駁した．この「カラハリ論争」を契機として，伝統派と見直し派の双方でサンの 歴史を復元する動きが活発になった．さらに現在ではカラハリ論争を超えて，近隣諸民族や国家との関係史を見すえた上でサンの文化について考えていくことが 求められている． 　ナミビア北中部のクンは，ジュホアンと言語，名前／親族名称，原野への豊かな知識，密接な母子関係といった，サンの特徴として知られる多くの文化的要素 が類似している．その一方で，近隣諸民族とは比較的関わってこなかったとされるジュホアンとは対照的に，クンはオバンボ(Owambo)と総称されるバン トゥ系の農耕牧畜民と数世紀に渡って多面的な関係を築いてきた．さらにクンは，植民地政府，宣教団，ナミビア共和国，NGO や国際機関といったより強大な権力ともユニークな関わりを持ってきた．したがって，クンはサンにおけるエスニシティの文化的な次元と政治経済的な状況との 関係を考えるうえでまたとない事例を提供してくれるだろう． 　ナミビア北中部で歴史的に台頭してきた人々や組織は，それぞれこの地域の社会を特色づける慣習やシステムを持ち込んだ．新しい社会的制度の中で，さまざ まな人々や組織の利害関係を背景として，クンはしばしばその位置づけを再定義されてきた．しかし，そうした政治経済的な利害関係の移り変わりや位置づけの 変転，さらには近隣諸民族との頻繁な通婚等を経験したにもかかわらず，クンを他のアクターから隔てる文化的な境界は，重層化しつつも連綿とそのリアリティ を持ってきた． 　クンの人々の多様なライフストーリーは，こうしたリアリティが形成されてきた仕組みを考える上で重要な示唆を与えてくれる．ナミビア北中部の地域史にお いて台頭してきた人々や組織はそれぞれのやり方でクンのイメージを描いているが，クンが社会の周縁部に位置づけられてきた点ではおおむね共通している．ク ンは繰り返し周縁化される過程において，いくつかの方略によりさまざまなアクターとの間のコンフリクトを制御してきた．こうした方略においては，クンの柔 軟な言語共同体が重要な役割を担っている．それは社会化の舞台であるとともに，いつか帰還して生活世界を再構成することを可能にする波止場(dock)の ような場としても機能してきた．

Takada, A. (2010). Interactional analysis of the give-and-take activity. Paper presented at the 8th symposium on the cultural formation of responsibility: The Edges of Language Socialization Studies, Kyoto, Japan, 17-18th September 2010 (17th September 2010).

Young children become increasingly active in taking things from or giving things to another in the second year after the birth. The interaction patterns are then gradually shaped, with reference to the cultural norms of a given speech community (Ochs 1988; Takada 2005). What is emphasized less often is that young children do not always take actions in accordance with the sequential order of interactions. When the variety of operations increased, the pattern of the interaction becomes rather disarrayed. The reactions to such “infelicitous” actions are important, particularly when discussing early language socialization. Using videotaped interactions involving 8- to 14-month-old Japanese infants, which were collected through our longitudinal study on Caregiver-Child Interactions since 2007, I clarify the conditions that enable the give-and-take activity. The analysis suggests that infants at this age gradually begin to comprehend themselves through their reflection in others. Consequently, infants become foresee and organize the framework of their activity, a framework that is formed socio-culturally.

16.高田 明 (2010). 転身の物語り: サン研究における「家族」の復権. GCOEイニシアティブ４「親子のつながり」ワークショップ. 於: 京都大学. 2010・5・15.

本発表では，これまでのサン研究における「家族」の位置づけを整理し，そうした研究史と関連づけながらナミビア北中部のクン・サンのライフストーリーを分 析する．これを通じて，サンにおけるエスニシティと家族の関係を問い直す． 　初期の研究者は，現代の「狩猟採集民」であるサンはごくシンプルな形で社会秩序を維持しており，家族的な結合がその基礎になっていると主張した．この家 族を中心とする仕組みは，サンの人間観や人間関係にも現れていると考えられた．たとえばSilberbauer(1981)は，自己を中心とした同心円状 に血縁の深い順に親族が並び，その外側に別のサンのグループ，サン以外の人々が続くモデルを提示している． 　だがほどなく，「見直し派」と呼ばれる研究者が影響力を増すようになった．見直し派は，サンは近隣諸民族を含むより大きな政治経済的なシステムの中で下 層に追いやられた人々の集合に過ぎないと主張し，さらに「孤立した自律的なサンの社会」という幻想を創出してきたとして従来の研究者（「伝統派」と呼ばれ る）を糾弾した．見直し派の論考では，親族間の関係は土地の権利や交易のネットワークを支える仕組みと位置づけられている． 　私が調査を行ってきたナミビア北中部のクン・サンは，上の「カラハリ論争」の主な対象となったジュホアン・サンと多くの文化的要素を共有している．ただ しジュホアンとは異なり，近隣の農牧民と数世紀に渡って多面的な関係を築いてきたことが広く認められている．クンのライフストーリーをたどると以下のよう な事例が見つかる．(1)クンの母親と農牧民の父親を持ち，農牧民として育てられた男性が，父親の死後は母親と一緒にクンのキャンプに移住し，クンとして 生活するようになった．(2)クンの少女が農牧民に養取され，農牧民の子どもと一緒に育てられていたが，妊娠を機にクンのキャンプに戻った．(3)クンの 男性が南アからの解放運動に参加して，国外で農牧民と共に活動していた．しかし，ナミビアの独立後はクンのキャンプに帰還してそこで暮らすようになった． 　ここにあげた人々は，農牧民と生活していた時にはクンに他者としてのまなざしを向けていた．しかし，後にクンのキャンプに移動してきた際には，親族のつ ながりを頼った選択という論理を用いて，エスニシティの境界を越える移動に合理的な説明を与えている．これによって人々は，クンと農牧民が形作ってきた社 会構造を壊すことなく，自らの転身に伴ってそのエスノスケープを変化させている．クンを他のアクターから隔てる文化的な境界が激動の歴史の中でもリアリ ティを失わなかった理由の１つは，こうした親密な関係性の再帰的な利用にあるのであろう．したがってクンの社会を理解するためには，伝統派と見直し派のい ずれとも異なる枠組みで家族の働きを分析していく必要がある． またこうした図式は，エスニシティと家族の間だけではなく，原理的には国家などの組織とそれを横断するエスニシティとの間にも成り立ちうる．したがってサ ン研究における家族の復権は，社会を構成するシステム間の関係のとらえ直しを促すものでもある．

17.高田 明・嶋田容子 (2010). ものの受け渡しを可能にする相互行為的条件. 社会言語科学会第26回大会研究発表要旨, pp.18-21. 於: 大阪大学豊中キャンパス. 2010・9・4-5 (9・4).

Kaye(1982)やCarpenter, Nagell, & Tomasello (1998)によれば，乳児は生後9ヶ月頃から他者の意図を理解できるようになり，さらに意図の理解を基礎として共同関与，コミュニケーション的身振り， 注意追随，模倣学習といった社会的認知スキルを獲得する．これらと前後して，赤ちゃんはものを受けとったり渡したりすることができるようになる．赤ちゃん が多様な行為をみせることには，周りの人たちの関わり方が大きく関係している．本研究では，上記の社会的認知スキルとの関わりに注目しながら，ものの受け 渡し場面における発話や身振りのつらなりを分析する．これを通じて，ものの受け渡しを可能にする相互行為的な条件を明らかにすることを目的とする． 　本研究は，養育者-子ども間相互行為に関する縦断的観察研究の一環として行った．調査者は2007年から継続的に0〜4歳の乳幼児のいる家庭を月に一度 程度訪問し，各回約2時間，養育者と乳幼児の自然な相互行為をビデオカメラで収録している．本研究はこのうち生後8〜12ヶ月の乳児9名のデータに基づ く．撮影された動画資料は，(1)観察時間を60秒間隔で区切り，注目する行動・状態について1-0サンプリングを用いてコード化した．さらに(2)相互 行為の全ての参与者の言語的・非言語的なやりとりの書き起こしを作成した．これらをもとに，ものの受け渡しと関連する事例を取り出した．分析は主に(2) の資料に基づいて行うが，必要に応じて適宜(1) の資料も参照する． 事例1 テーブルを前に，母親と生後8ヶ月の男児Kが隣り合って椅子に座っている．母親はKの顔を見ながらその口もとにスプーンでヨーグルトを差し出す．そして， スプーンを揺らす．Kは少し前に身体を乗り出し，ヨーグルトを食べる．これを見て，母親はKの髪をなでる．32月齢の姉Sが近づき，テーブル上のおもちゃ を手に取る．Kはそのおもちゃを見つめる．すると母親はスプーンをとって，Kの口の前につんと差し出す．この動きに合わせて，母親は「あーん」と発声し， 自分の口を開ける．Kは母親の方に注意を向け直し，少し前に身を乗り出してヨーグルトを食べる．この後，母親はこの手と口をシンクロさせた行為を何度か繰 り返す． この例では，母親はやりとりのイニシアティブをとり，行為連鎖の「秩序」を維持しようとしている．「イニシアティブをとる」とは，後続の行為が予期できる 働きかけを意味する．母親はKとのやりとりのイニシアティブをとり続けるために，視覚的な動きやそれを繰り出すタイミング，聴覚的な刺激やその繰り返しな どをうまく利用してKの注意をガイドしていた．ものの受け渡しを可能にする条件は，以下の4つにまとめられる．(1)受け渡しを始める側がイニシアティブ をとる．(2)期待された応答がない場合は，相手の注意をガイドしてやりとりを修正する．また受け手は，(3)渡される「もの」に自分が注意を向けるだけ でなくそれを相手も注意を向けうるものとして扱う．(4)相手がイニシアティブをとった行為へ適切に応答し，目的を共有した振る舞いを行う．上の例では， 母親がその行為を調整することで(1)(2)を満たしている．しかし私たちの分析によれば，乳児が(3)(4)を満たすのは生後11〜12ヶ月になってか らである．そこで初めて，双方向のものの受け渡しが成立する．乳児をよく知る家族は，その子が言葉を発して伝えなくても(1)〜(4)を一緒に行っていく のに最適の相手である．当日の発表では，乳児がこうしたやりとりを積み重ね，失敗を糧にしながら，行為のバリエーションを増やしていく過程についての分析 を提示する．さらに上記の条件と言葉のやりとりにみられる特徴との関連についても論じる．

18.嶋田容子・高田 明 (2010). 乳児-養育者間，乳児-兄姉間のインタラクションにおける発声の重複. 社会言語科学会第26回大会研究発表要旨, pp.122-123. 於: 大阪大学豊中キャンパス. 2010・9・4-5 (9・5).

発話者の声の重複は，様々なコミュニケーションのモードについて考えていく上での鍵となる現象として注目されている（串田，1997; Schegloff, 2000, Stern, 1975）．乳児を含む音声インタラクションには，発声の重複が多く認められる. Stern(1975) は，養育者と4ヶ月児の音声インタラクションに，順番交替に劣らず多くの重複がみられたことを報告し，「co-actionモード」に関わるものとして， 重複の意義を示唆している．しかし，Stern (1975) の報告は全般的な音声発達研究の副次的な結果として提出されており，その後，乳児発達研究において発声の重複に注目した研究は，Wells & Corrin (2004)などの例外を除いて，ほとんど無い．そこで本研究では，自然場面での養育者-子ども間相互行為の縦断的な観察に基づいて，発声の重複の発達的 な変化を定量的に分析する．そして重複に関わる発声が，初期の原初的なものから，徐々に文化的形式に準拠した複数のパターンへ回収される過程を明らかにす る． 　本研究は，乳幼児の家庭を月に一度訪問する縦断観察研究の一環としておこなわれた．調査者とカメラマンが乳児と2〜4歳の幼児のいる家庭を毎月一度ずつ 訪問し，各回２時間，養育者と乳幼児の自然なインタラクションをHDVビデオカメラで記録した．カメラマンと調査者は，一定の距離をとって参加者の活動を 撮影した．今回の分析のフォーカス月齢は生後8，18ヶ月であるため，その時点を含む3家族の動画資料を分析対象とした． 　撮影された動画資料のトランスクリプトには，養育者・兄姉の発話および乳児の発声をすべて記録した．これをもとに，乳児音声の生起する前後を含めた事例 を取り出した．泣き，ぐずり発声，および宛先不明の発声は分析対象から除外した．さらに発声の重複率を測るため，ビデオサンプル内の発声の開始・終了時点 をソフトウェア（ELAN3.8.1）を用いて記録し，乳児を含む二人以上の参加者の発声が重複した秒数をExcelに書きだした．発声の重複率は，乳児 の発声時間を分母として，その時間当たりの重複時間として計算した． 　乳児と養育者の重複発声は，乳児の月齢によって大きく変化した．8ヶ月児と養育者のインタラクションでは，30％近くの発声が重複していた．この月齢で は，養育者の方から乳児の発声にかぶせる形で発声するケースも多々あった．これに対して18ヶ月児と養育者のインタラクションでは，重複発話は約3％と激 減していた．ここでは，一方の発話の終了を待って他方が声を発する，順番交替の形が優勢になっていた．ただし，18ヶ月児を含むインタラクションで重複発 声が生じないわけではない．乳児と3〜4歳の幼児とのインタラクションでは，重複発声が全体の約50%に及んでいた．各ケースを詳細に見ると，幼児と 18ヶ月児のインタラクションには，両者の歌うような発声や，奇声を交えた発声が多く含まれ，それらの事例ではすべて非常に高い比率で重複がみられた． 　これらの結果から，発声の重複するインタラクションは，乳児と養育者との間では減衰する一方で，幼児との間では，より発展した形で展開していると考えら れる．そして生後18ヶ月の時点では，乳児はコミュニケーションモードを2つ以上獲得し，相手との関係（養育者か幼い兄姉か）に応じて，それらをスイッチ している可能性がある．従来のコミュニケーション研究の多くは順番交替の組織を中心に据えた議論を行ってきたが，これとは異なるコミュニケーションモード の形成に向けて重複発声がどのような発達的な変化を見せるのか，またコミュニケーション研究におけるその意義について今後さらに詳細な分析を行っていきた い．

19.高田 明 (2010). 大会委員会主催公募シンポジウム: 線描される家族たち: 日本，ハウサ，クンの事例に基づく家族概念の再検討. 日本発達心理学会第21回大会発表論文集, pp.133-137. 於: 神戸国際会議場. 2010・3・26-28 (3・28). (招待シンポジウム，オーガナイザー)

子育てについての関心が今ほど高まったことはなかったかもしれない．公共的な場面でも子育て支援や家族の絆の大切さが叫ばれている．いくつもの理由がある だろう．例えば，子どもの発達を支える神経学的な基盤についての研究成果が蓄積されてきたこと，昨今の社会不安の高まりと連動するかのように，失われつつ あるものの重要性に目が向いていることなど．しかし，急速に変わりゆく社会の中でどういった家族のあり方を目指すべきかについて明確なイメージを示すこと は容易ではない． 　多くの研究が明らかにしてきたように，家族のあり方は時代や地域によって異なる．そしてどんな時代や地域においても，子どもはさまざまなレベルの変化に 対応することを求められる．情報が爆発し多様な基準が併存する現代社会においては，いたずらに危機感をあおることこそ危険であろう．社会変化と呼応した社 会化のあり方の多様性や柔軟性を示し，それを可能にする仕組みを解明することが求められている．そこでこのシンポジウムでは，大きく背景を異にする社会で 長期にわたって行われたフィールドワークの成果を持ち寄り，そこでの「家族」の境界が問われうる状況に注目する．そして，家族概念がそれぞれの共同体のメ ンバーによってどのように構築され，共有され，変化するのかを検討する．これによって子育てや家族のあり方をめぐる現在の議論の風潮に一石を投じたい． 　まず高田明が「クン・サンにおける子ども文化と社会変容」をテーマとして話題提供を行う．梅津綾子は「オヤは一組だけではない」をテーマとして，ナイ ジェリアのハウサにおけるリコという養取(adoption)あるいは養育(fostering)の実践について報告する．川島理恵は「“お腹の赤ちゃ ん”と話すこと」をテーマとして，日本における妊婦とその家族の相互行為を分析する．高木智世は「家族の相互行為に参加すること」というテーマのもと，日 本における乳児とそのキョウダイのいる家族の相互行為場面を分析する．指定討論者として，霊長類のコミュニケーションや社会生態について研究してきた伊藤 詞子，東アジアの子どもに関するフィールドワーク経験が豊富な山本登志哉を迎える．両者は上記の４つの事例および自らの研究に基づいて，家族概念を成り立 たせる基盤についての討論を行う．

20.高田 明 (2010). クン・サンにおける子ども文化と社会変容. 大会委員会主催公募シンポジウム: 線描される家族たち: 日本，ハウサ，クンの事例に基づく家族概念の再検討. 日本発達心理学会第21回大会発表論文集, p.134. 於: 神戸国際会議場. 2010・3・26-28 (3・28).

南部アフリカの先住民サンの生活スタイルは，人類社会の始原的なあり方を理解する鍵となると考えられてきた．サンでは，母親が3年以上にわたり乳幼児に密 着して授乳，養育することが知られてきた．また長い授乳期間を終えた後，子どもは多年齢からなる子ども集団にその愛着の対象を移すようになる．この子ども 集団は，サンの社会化に重要な働きを担うと言われてきた．本研究では，サンのうちでこれまでもっとも多くの研究が行われてきたジュホアンと地域的・言語的 に近縁なクンを対象として，子ども集団における相互行為の特徴について分析を行った．クンでは，乳児期の母子間でジュホアンと類似した密着した授乳，養育 パターンが認められる一方で，近年の定住化・集住化の影響を受け，1，2歳児に対して離乳が行われるようになっている．その結果，1，2歳児がふだん共住 する年長児にケアされながら子ども集団の活動に参加するようになっている．クンの子ども集団の活動においては歌／踊りがとりわけ重要である．こうした歌／ 踊りの多くは近隣の農耕牧畜民に由来する．言語的な教示が十分に理解できない1，2歳児も，歌／踊りのリズムに魅了されながら集団活動に参加する機会を 伺っている．一方，年長児は1，2歳児の行為に寛容に振る舞いながらもそれが歌／踊りの進行を妨げないように注意を払っている．また役割分担のある歌／踊 りでは，年長児が年少児に比較的易しい役割を割り振ることが多い．こうした歌／踊りでは，可視的な大人や他民族の活動が創造力の源となっている一方で，子 ども集団の活動はたいてい大人や他民族の監視の外で行われている．このため，年長児が活動のイニシアティブをとることが可能になっている．クンのこうした 活動は，相互行為におけるアクティブな役割をとることを許す「子ども文化」を育んでいる．子ども文化に見られる積極的な模倣は，社会組織を創造・再創造し ていく鍵となる．子ども文化は，社会全体の変化を推進し，さらにはその社会を再統合する力を持っている．したがって，こうした活動を丹念に分析していくこ とにより，子どもの社会化を可能にするさまざまな「意味の振る舞い」や社会変容が進行するプロセスについて，当事者の視点から理解することが可能になる． これは，サンの生活スタイルの進化史的な意義についての従来の議論には欠けていた視点である．

22.Liszkowski, U., Brown, P., Callaghan, T., Takada, A., & de Vos, C. (2010). Infant and caregiver pointing across 7 different cultures. Paper presented at the 2010 International Conference on Infant Studies, Baltimore, Maryland, USA, March 10-14 (14th March). Abstracts

Western research shows that infant pointing emerges around 8-15 months and is premised on rich communicative skills that are presumably foundational to language acquisition. The acquisition of language is universal in typically developing children, but very little is known about universals of infants’ prelinguistic communication. For example, some researchers report that infants experience different amounts of referential interactional input across cultures, and that there are cultural differences among adults’ use and forms of pointing. The current study aimed at elucidating to what extend pointing and its use in a context of joint looking is a cross-culturally shared basis of infant prelinguistic communication. We employed a recent paradigm broadly analogous to a visit in an exhibit or zoo (Liszkowski & Tomasello, submitted). A standardized decoration kit of 19 items was used to set up “decorated rooms” in 7 different cultures, see Table 1. Caregivers were invited to freely explore the room with their infants and look together at the objects. We tested whether spontaneous pointing would occur in this situation and analyzed it with regard to infants’ age, frequency of use, morphology, and social contingency. Across all cultures, the context elicited infants’ and caregivers’ pointing. Overall, the earliest recording of the index-finger pointing gesture was at 7 months. From 10 months, index-finger pointing occurred consistently in above half of the infants and reached ceiling at 15 months. In all cultures, index-finger pointing was present at the common youngest age sampled (11 months). In all cultures, pointing correlated significantly with accompanying vocalizing. For infants, the total number of points and the proportion of index-finger points were not different across cultures (means= xx-xx). For parents, the total number of points was significantly higher in Rossel compared to all other cultures, with no other significant differences. The proportion of adults’ index-finger points differed significantly across cultures. Infants’ and parents’ index-finger pointing – but not other forms of hand pointing – were correlated in the overall sample, r=xx;p=…, even when controlled for age. For each culture separately, these correlations were absent in the Tzeltal, Canada, and Japan samples. Temporally contingent points to the partners’ points correlated when they were either to the same (rp) or different (XX) object. Further analyses will address the sample differences in social contingencies and adults’ pointing. Current results support the idea that pointing emerges as a shared practice of looking at things together and constitutes a universal prelinguistic basis of human communication.

23.Liszkowski, U., Brown, P., Callaghan, T., Takada, A., & de Vos, C. (2010). Infant and caregiver pointing across 7 different cultures. Paper presented at the 2010 International Conference on Infant Studies, Baltimore, Maryland, USA, March 10-14 (14th March). Abstracts .

Western research shows that infant pointing emerges around 8-15 months and is premised on rich communicative skills that are presumably foundational to language acquisition. The acquisition of language is universal in typically developing children, but very little is known about universals of infants’ prelinguistic communication. For example, some researchers report that infants experience different amounts of referential interactional input across cultures, and that there are cultural differences among adults’ use and forms of pointing. The current study aimed at elucidating to what extend pointing and its use in a context of joint looking is a cross-culturally shared basis of infant prelinguistic communication. We employed a recent paradigm broadly analogous to a visit in an exhibit or zoo (Liszkowski & Tomasello, submitted). A standardized decoration kit of 19 items was used to set up “decorated rooms” in 7 different cultures, see Table 1. Caregivers were invited to freely explore the room with their infants and look together at the objects. We tested whether spontaneous pointing would occur in this situation and analyzed it with regard to infants’ age, frequency of use, morphology, and social contingency. Across all cultures, the context elicited infants’ and caregivers’ pointing. Overall, the earliest recording of the index-finger pointing gesture was at 7 months. From 10 months, index-finger pointing occurred consistently in above half of the infants and reached ceiling at 15 months. In all cultures, index-finger pointing was present at the common youngest age sampled (11 months). In all cultures, pointing correlated significantly with accompanying vocalizing. For infants, the total number of points and the proportion of index-finger points were not different across cultures (means= xx-xx). For parents, the total number of points was significantly higher in Rossel compared to all other cultures, with no other significant differences. The proportion of adults’ index-finger points differed significantly across cultures. Infants’ and parents’ index-finger pointing – but not other forms of hand pointing – were correlated in the overall sample, r=xx;p=…, even when controlled for age. For each culture separately, these correlations were absent in the Tzeltal, Canada, and Japan samples. Temporally contingent points to the partners’ points correlated when they were either to the same (rp) or different (XX) object. Further analyses will address the sample differences in social contingencies and adults’ pointing. Current results support the idea that pointing emerges as a shared practice of looking at things together and constitutes a universal prelinguistic basis of human communication.

24.Takada, A. (2010). Participation in rhythm: Socialization through singing and dancing activities among the !Xun San. Paper presented at the AAACIG symposium: Issues in parent-child, institutionalized, and free play settings, held in American Anthropological Association Childhood Interest Group (AAACIG) joint meeting with The Society for Anthropological Sciences (SASci) and The Society for Cross-Cultural Research (SCCR), Albuquerque, NM, USA, February 17-20 (February 18). Abstracts, p.8.

Previous studies have shown that Ju|’hoan (a subgroup of the San) children were not weaned until they were four years of age. After this long period of nursing, children would then shift their strong attachment to a multi-aged child group. These characteristics are considered intrinsic to a nomadic lifestyle that requires a long period of socialization. I conducted research in North-Central Namibia among the !Xun, neighbors of the Ju|’hoan with close agro-pastoral associations, to examine child-group interactions among the San. Today, !Xun children are usually weaned during the second year after birth, and the multi-aged child group subsequently plays a significant role in childcare. The singing of, and dancing to, songs, most of which originated in agro-pastoral societies, are major activities for girls’ groups. !Xun children incorporate these new aspects into their play: Young children engage in multiparty embodied participation frameworks involving song/dance activity. Although child groups facilitate rapid changes in San society, they also enable social re-integration. The active imitation observed in their activities contributes importantly to regenerating their social organization.

27.Takada, A. (2009). Participation in rhythm: Socialization via song/dance activities among the !Xun San. Paper presented at the 6th symposium on the cultural formation of responsibility: The dynamics of life and family, Kyoto, Japan, 8th September 2009.

Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, children of different ages play in groups, a practice that plays a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. Singing/dancing constitutes a major activity in girls’ groups, with most of the songs having originated among agro-pastoralists. !Xun children incorporate these original aspects into their own play activities. In this presentation, I will analyze how young children start engaging in such “multiparty embodied participation frameworks” (C. Goodwin, 2002) of song/dance activity. The active imitation observed in the activity is crucial for organizing subsequent action.

28.高田 明 (2009). 会員企画ラウンドテーブル: 子どもに責任はあるか？: 養育者−子ども間相互行為における資源としての「応答」. 日本発達心理学会第20回大会発表論文集, p.62. 於: 日本女子大学. 2009・3・23-25. (企画責任者)

このＲＴは，人文・社会科学において重要な概念である「責任」を，養育者と子どもの具体的なやりとりの中から形成されるものとして再構築する研究プロジェ クトの一環として企画された．まず，次の４つのテーマについて話題を提供していただく． 　川島理恵さんからは，「“見えない存在”と関わること：妊婦と家族の相互行為分析」というテーマについて社会学の立場から話題提供をしていただく．新し いメンバーを迎える事は，家族関係の様々な側面での変容を意味する．そういった変容に向けた準備は，妊婦やその家族にとって重要な関心事の一つである．た だ，妊婦はある時期から胎動を通して胎児の存在を感じることができるが，他の家族にとって胎児はあくまで“見えない存在”である．こうした感覚的な相違 は，妊婦と家族との間に葛藤を生じさせることがある．本研究では家族関係が変容する際に生じる葛藤や問題に焦点を当て，それを特徴づけるいくつかの相互行 為のパターンを示す． 　高田明は，「おなかの赤ちゃん：母子間相互行為における“母親”の生成」というテーマについて文化人類学の立場から話題提供を行う．さまざまな文化を通 じて，乳児の規則的な行動に対して母親が随伴的に自らの行動を調整していく過程が認められる．また母親はしばしば乳児の位置どりや姿勢に介入する．これら の特徴は後の相互行為の基盤を形成しており，コミュニケーションにおける身体性を考える上できわめて重要である．本研究では妊婦の日常的な相互行為を詳細 に分析することで，上記の特徴が赤ん坊の誕生以前から準備されており，母-胎児間相互行為と母-子間相互行為とが連続性のもとにとらえられることを示す． 　嶋田容子さんからは，「７-14ヶ月児によるやりとり活動のための資源」いうテーマについて，発達心理学の立場から話題提供をしていただく．乳児は生後 ９ヶ月頃になると共同注意などの社会認知的な能力を発達させるようになる．それとともに，乳児はモノ（例，食べ物）のやりとり活動に参与し始める．本研究 では，家庭における７-14ヶ月児の縦断的な観察記録に基づいて，やりとり遊びが成立するために必要な相互行為上の資源について検討する．具体的には，乳 児が他者から物を受け取る場面に注目し，この場面を４つのタイプに分類する．さらに，それぞれのタイプと乳児の姿勢および視線との関連について検討する． 　伊藤詞子さんからは，「ヒト・チンパンジー・チンパンジー間相互行為における姿勢と発話」というテーマについて霊長類学の立場から話題提供していただ く．本研究では，飼育下のチンパンジーに対して隔離室で定期的に行っている形態計測場面に注目する．飼育者は，形態計測に手話や音声発話を伴わせることが 多い．こうした場面では，ヒトとチンパンジー，場合によってはヒトとチンパンジーとチンパンジーの間の連携プレーがみられる．こうした場面を詳細に分析す ることで，チンパンジーの相互行為における特徴は，孤立した状況で測定される能力というよりはむしろ豊かな社会環境にさらされることで引き出されるパ フォーマンスであることを示唆する． 　これらの話題提供を受けて，高梨克也さんに認知科学の観点から，高木智世さんに言語学の観点から相互行為における応答がどのように組織化され，それが後 の責任の形成に関してどのように寄与しうるのかについてコメントをいただく．さらに，聴衆を含めた討論によって上記の議論が深められることを期待している．

Takada, A. (2009). Imagined pathways: Co-constructing ecological knowledge in navigation practices among the San of the central Kalahari Desert. Paper presented at the 11th International Pragmatics Conference, Melbourne, Australia, July 12-17(July 17). Abstracts, pp.173-174.

This presentation aims to deconstruct “culture” into the spatial and temporal organization of interactions. Using multimodal analysis of videotaped interactions (cf., Goodwin, 2002), the author explores how a variety of semiotic resources construe the specific context under which the actions of a given speech community became possible in the changing environment. The G|ui and G||ana, two groups of San, have made extensive use of the central part of the Kalahari Desert. Since they were relocated outside their previous living area, however, their rich ecological knowledge has not served them well. Even in this situation, they still show a keen perception regarding the ground conditions, for avoiding obstacles as well as for assessing animal signs, as illustrated in the following excerpt. Before this excerpt, Khou called the author’s attention to the cast of springhare. He started to tell how and where the springhare moved. He then noted that the spoors were old and further developed the story while walking.

Excerpt 1

1 Khou: = (1) [ ae: ]abe ama tshao ama (2) [ kx’oo ]
= [ Yeah ] he dug him, and [ ate ] him.

2 Txam:    [ ue ]-xo xa ae tsam =an |gebi-be xo-zi
            [ Every ] thing, yeah, jackals will eat anything

3 Khou: abe |okka (3) (0.9) au ora =goo-be |gaa-zi [ ||goo ]
Perhaps he (0.9) was facing the opposite way, ((when)) [ the springhare ] was eating grasses

4 Maxo:    [ |gebi-m thaira ka abe ee-m xa kx’oo ]
            [ Since the jackal was hungry, he ate it. ]

(1) Khou began to walk again.
(2) Khou brought his right hand around his belly.
(3) Khou brought his right hand around his belly, again, and then swung his hand.

Focus of the story shifted from the springhare onto the jackal. Khou described the particular circumstances that pertained when the jackal ate the springhare (line 1). The last part of Khou’s utterance was overlapped by Txam’s utterance, which offered a more general behavioral pattern of jackal (line 2). Following this Khou resumed his account (line 3). He imagined further details of circumstances at which the jackal attacked the springhare. The detailed description suggests that the story neared its climax. Hearers also anticipated that. Overlapping with the end of the turn, this time Maxo gave a summary of the story (line 4). Here the participants are motivated to arrive at a mutual understanding using a particular form of interactive storytelling. This activity took place according to their distinctive participation framework. For example, in response to the author’s question, the main storyteller Khou not merely continued the story but recounted and elaborated his ecological knowledge using acute observations about animal signs and his lively imagination. Txam and Maxo showed their alignment to utterances given by Khou and thereby tried to establish co-tellership with Khou. The presence of outsiders like the author encourages the G|ui/G||ana to formulate their knowledge more explicitly. In these ways, their ecological knowledge becomes ‘known’ to the participants.