Semiotic Agency Within a Framework of Cooperative Semiosis
Using as data videotapes of interaction in the home of a man, Chil, with severe aphasia this paper will examine some of the interactive frameworks that make it possible for him to act as a powerful speaker, despite a vocabulary restricted to three words. These include gesture, prosody, and most importantly his ability to use signs that lead others to produce the words he needs to both say something relevant, and accomplish consequential action. His agency as speaker is organized within, and made possible by, interactive frameworks of cooperative semiosis, in which his limited signs are elaborated by the actions of others. Despite his almost complete lack of linguistic syntax, Chil has the power to combine signs in complex ways to build actions far beyond his own abilities as an isolated speaker. For example by attaching relevant prosodic contours to the linguistically rich talk of others he can position himself as the co-speaker, and sometimes the primary speaker, of an utterance that he is literally unable to construct by himself. Particular attention will be paid to the constraints on Chil’s possibilities for action that arise from the nature of the indexical and iconic signs that constitute his primary semiotic repertoire, how his action both emerges from, and transforms relevant epistemic ecologies, the combinatorial resources provided by his rich prosody, his ability to systematically construct meaning through the progressive decomposition and transformation of language structure produced by others, and his ability to construct phenomena central to the representational power of language, such as iterative aspect, without the use of linguistic signs. It will be argued that the processes of cooperative semiosis within which Chil’s actions are lodged are central to the organization of human language, culture, cognition, tool use and social life.
Speaking for the baby:“Quoting” preverbal infants in family interaction
A cursory look at the interactions in families with a preverbal infant and an older sibling reveals that the preverbal infant is often “quoted” by the parents or the older sibling. I will show that “quoting” by the parents and “quoting” by the older sibling are differently used in interaction and that they are both orderly embedded in the on-going activity and interactional sequence allowing the infant’s legitimate but peripheral participation in the family interaction (Lave and Wenger, 1991). I will then discuss the possibility for such a “quoting” practice to reflectively shape/be shaped by the notion of family.
Child-rearing by Two Pairs of Parents: A Case Study of Ri’ko among the Hausa in Nigeria
This presentation focuses on ri’ko, the custom of “fostering” among the Hausa. Previous studies on “fostering” in West Africa have not fully analyzed the practices of child-rearing. Thus, I examined how Hausa non-biological and biological parents engage (or do not engage) in child-rearing in their daily life. Findings are as follows: First, the non-biological parents have “minimal” social obligations, such as providing the non-biological children with food and shelter. Second, in contrast to the premise of previous studies, biological parents complement the child-rearing by non-biological parents among the Hausa.
Participation in rhythm: Socialization via song/dance activities among the !Xun San
Weaning of !Xun children today occurs during the second year after birth. After weaning, children of different ages play in groups, a practice that plays a considerable role in childcare. !Xun child groups usually operate outside of adult supervision. Singing/dancing constitutes a major activity in girls’ groups, with most of the songs having originated among agro-pastoralists. !Xun children incorporate these original aspects into their own play activities. In this presentation, I will analyze how young children start engaging in such “multiparty embodied participation frameworks” (C. Goodwin, 2002) of song/dance activity. The active imitation observed in the activity is crucial for organizing subsequent action.
Choreographies of Attention: Multimodality in a Routine Family Activity (Toothbrushing)
Family life like other institutions is orchestrated through the organization of activities in space and time. Getting children to do something entails moving them from one activity to another, often simultaneously to a new space. Directive/response sequences (Goodwin 2006; Fasulo, Loyd et al. 2007; Goodwin 2007; Klein, Izquierdo et al. 2008), including accompanying gestures that help bodies towards the activity-appropriate spaces, constitute a basic resource for accomplishing such activity. While others have investigated the grammatical forms and accounts that are used by family members to get something done (Ervin-Tripp 1982; Blum-Kulka 1997), our fundamental concern is the embodied “choreography” of children’s attention in structuring an everyday activity. Although each child’s life world may appear natural to the children that grow into it, our analysis leads us to consider it a complex achievement (Schegloff 1987), requiring sustained parental work in organizing children’s active engagement. In this paper I examine ecological arrangements of attention, choreographies of events, orientations towards objects, and timings of movements through space that are repeated and patterned each day in family life. We first consider how family members create alignments in participation frameworks so that they can attend to directives to do something and display a cooperative stance towards the activity. This may entail dislodging children from competing or concurrent activities, and bounding off activities so that children can hear and attend to a directive in a focused way. We examine the complex and multimodal semiotic resources that parents draw upon when they attempt to shift children’s attention from one activity to another. In some examples, parents’ verbal directives and physical postures are conjoined and mutually reinforce one another; in other examples, activities overlap in time and in space, creating complex competing demands on children’s attentional attunement. Next, we examine how participants move their bodies through physical spaces in order to carry out a course of action, making use of artifacts and features of the architecture of the house that are appropriate to the task at hand. These “topographies” of an activity show how routines entail a training of routine bodily movement vis-a-vis concrete objects and architectures (such as the bathroom sink). Alternative types of stances towards the activity are possible and displayed through the body; interlocutors can either choose to willingly participate in ways that display their engagement or refuse to cooperate in the course of action. Carrying out the activity in a way that builds autonomy requires long-term engagement in the setting. Children learn both by being in the midst of ongoing activity as well as through careful parental monitoring and verbal and non-vocal assessment, as a more expert person entrains the novice’s body to conduct the activity. Examining how the same routine is differently structured, performed, commented upon, and critiqued, we can locate the activity of teeth brushing within larger projects for the formation of family identities.